By Yung Ping Chen (auth.)
As a member of the home overseas Affairs Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs, i'm inevitably desirous about the long run function of Communist China in international affairs. a real realizing of Peking's international coverage explanations and ambitions is feasible provided that one has a snatch of the ideological foundations and conflicts of the modern leaders of the chinese language Communist social gathering. Therein lies the price of Professor Yung Ping Chen's revised variation chinese language Political concept: Mao Tse-tung and Liu Shao-chi. inside of a compact variety of pages, Professor Chen's booklet presents the rt~ader with a transparent and prepared clutch of the basics of Com munist chinese language ideology. even though its scholarship is obvious, the work's interpretation don't weigh down the reader with long quotations or confuse him with over the top speculations-difficulties occasionally associa ted with books approximately China. in its place, Professor Chen appears to be like to be able to lessen advanced rules to workable proportions. In his revised version, the writer uses resource fabric which lately has turn into on hand outdoor China to elucidate concerns fascinated with the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution." That phenomenon, which has triggered rather a lot ask yourself and hypothesis within the West, is analyzed via Professor Chen. He describes for the reader the underlying ideological elements that have emerged from the good turmoil in China, putting them inside a framework of tested old occasions whereas averting the pitfall of never-ending theorizing approximately events and occasions inside of China approximately which too little is but known.
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As a member of the home international Affairs Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs, i'm inevitably excited about the long run position of Communist China in global affairs. a real figuring out of Peking's international coverage reasons and targets is feasible provided that one has a clutch of the ideological foundations and conflicts of the modern leaders of the chinese language Communist celebration.
Additional info for Chinese Political Thought: Mao Tse-Tung and Liu Shao-Chi
68 The members of the bourgeoisie on the one hand, have already become managerial personnel in the newly created joint enterprises. On the other hand, they still receive a fixed rate of interests on their invest•• Mao Tse-tung, "The Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People," The New 'York Times, June 19, 1957, p. 13 . •• Liu, How to Be a Good Communist, p. 44. •• Mao, "The Correct Handling of Contradictions," The New 'York Times,June 19,1957, p. 13. &. Liu Shao-chi, "Report of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party to the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth National Congress," Hsin hua pan yuch k' an, (june, 1958), p.
CHINESE CONDITIONS 35 It is interesting to note that Liu, although he fully agreed with Mao in praising the proletariat, failed to point out the weak side of the characteristics of this class. In fact, he went further in praising the Chinese proletariat by saying it could organize and change everything. 59 CHINA'S PRESENT SITUATION From the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949 to 1957, China has been in the semi-socialist or New Democratic era, according to both Mao and Liu. 60 What then are the characteristics of China in her semi-socialist epoch?
DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTION 45 OBJECTIVES OF THE REVOLUTION What was the nature of the Chinese revolution in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial era? Mao attempted to answer this question first by defining the immediate objective of the revolution. Both Mao and Liu asserted that the objective of revolution in semi-feudal and semi-colonial China was the erection of neither a socialist society nor a capitalist one. As early as 1939, Mao pointed out that the purpose of China's antifeudal and anti-imperialist revolution was to establish a democratic social system.
Chinese Political Thought: Mao Tse-Tung and Liu Shao-Chi by Yung Ping Chen (auth.)